WHITHER INDIA?

(c) Lok Awaz Publishers 1996.
No Part of this Publication may be reproduced without prior written permission of the publisher.

Part IX

CGPI Strategy and Plan of Action

The communist movement has arrived at a crucial juncture. Which direction will it take? The  fate of the Indian communists depends on what they are proposing for the fate of society. The  bourgeois political parties are claiming that they have found a solution for the problems of  society. Their answer is privatisation and liberalisation, and the globalisation of capital  and production. In other words, their plan is to contribute to the further sharpening of all  the contradictions in the society.  

The communist movement must have as its strategic aim the overthrow of this capitalism, and the  establishment of a socialist society. This is an exciting perspective for the communist  movement. All Indian communists must look at the communist movement from this inspiring  perspective. While it is quite clear and its known to all that the communist movement in  India is split at this time, it will be a grave mistake if communists look at this split  merely as a split, and not as an occasion to move forward. It will be an even greater mistake  to think that the communist movement is the only movement where genuinely democratic and  progressive forces exist. A large number of progressive and democratic forces exist outside  the communist movement which are also interested in the program of the political unity of  the progressive forces. It would be a grave error to over-emphasise the role of the communist  movement within the present conditions. What must bee emphasised is the immediate need  for political unity in order to lift the society out of the crisis.  

A lot of damage has been done to the cause of the working class and the toiling masses in the past. What must be done is to elaborate the program, and at the same time, raise the ideological and political level of the masses by actually discussing what effect this or that event is having on the situation, in which direction the working class movement is heading and how to direct it towards achieving its goal. In this way, as this work develops, all the culprits from the past and the present will reveal their nature; the masks will be torn off their faces and people will see what colossal damage they have done to the movement.  

It is within this context that CGPI must wage the sharpest ideological and polemical struggle  in order to defend contemporary Marxist-Leninist thought and the purity of Marxism-Leninism  and to protect the communist and workers' movement by resolutely opposing any conciliation  with social-democracy. As this struggle develops, the people will know what to do with those  who block the path to progress. People will gain experience and the movement will become  stronger in the course of eliminating any obstruction.  

The main thrust of our organising is around the revolutionary theory, expressing the living  connection between being and consciousness, between the objective and subjective. It is round  this thrust that the ideological struggle is developed, the general line is established, the  organisational tasks are set and the polemical struggle is waged. The leading organs and the basic  organisations can be established and strengthened only on the basis of implementing the action  plan within the framework of the general line for this period. Building the CGPI is itself the  creation of the most important subjective condition, the main instrument of the working class  and toiling masses in their struggle for emancipation. It is the main weapon to destroy the  colonial legacy, all the remnants of feudalism and imperialism, and bring about the  transformation of society from capitalism to socialism through revolution. The role of CGPI is  to ensure that the working class has its own consciousness and organisation; beyond that , it  cannot substitute itself for the working class. The problem of building the vanguard party is  one thing; the problem of the working class movement providing itself with the revolutionary  program of action is another. The two tasks are interconnected. While the former belongs to the advanced elements of the working class, the latter task belongs to the broad section of the workers, a task that the vanguard must lead but without substituting itself for the broad section of the class.  

CGPI is of the opinion that besides discussing these matters relating to the stage of  revolution and the program, there is also a need to elaborate what must be done within the  present conditions. What kind of system is needed that will serve the interests of the people?  How should the struggle for immediate concerns be waged within the context of advancing the  strategic aim of revolution?  

In order to deal with this issue, communists must skilfully elaborate the precise form in which the struggle against capitalism must be carried out in India at this time. If we are to go to the people and declare that we are against capitalism and that is that, people will not understand what is being said. If we say that people should go for democratic renewal, likewise people will not understand it. CGPI is of the opinion that the content of the form of struggle against capitalism that is required must already exist in the experience of the masses. It necessarily has to be anti-capitalists, anti-feudal, anti-colonial and anti-imperialist.  

Garibi Hatao has remained the slogan of all successive governments including that of Narasimha  Rao. Garibi, however, does not go away because these governments have merely presented this as  a policy objective. The governments claim lack of money when it comes to providing for the  people, covering up the tendency in the economic system for the rich to become richer and the  poor poorer. At this time, the governments have even gone so far as to openly declare that to  provide for the people will actually be no good for them or for the economy. The demand is that  everyone must fend for themselves. As is the case with the world bourgeoisie and reaction, the  Indian bourgeoisie is also howling that there is no money available for the education, health  and social programs. When it comes to dealing with the concrete conditions in India, the  bourgeoisie does not even guarantee a living and the capitalist system cannot provide for  the  people.  

Instead of addressing the situation in which more than fifty percent of the people live below  the official poverty line and a great many people have no means of living whatsoever, Narasimha  Rao, by taking his cue from the reactionaries of the world, promised a "trickle down" effect as  he further unleashed the capitalist forces to rob the state treasury and the masses of the people. The actual conditions and the result of this unleashing of unbridled robbery and the destruction of the productive forces is a slap on the face of all the propagandists of this policy: far from any trickle down effect, the polarisation between rich and poor is increasing.  

Why is it that the bourgeoisie cannot reverse this tendency of the capitalist system? Why is it  that the capitalist system cannot provide for the people? Is it lack of proper policies? No, it  is because capitalism would not be capitalism if the government was able to do such a thing  without overthrowing capitalism. The accumulation of poverty at one pole and riches at the  other is inherent to the capitalist system. Such a thing is also accentuated by the remnants of  feudalism, colonialism and imperialism.  

In the light of this offensive of the Central Government and the bourgeoisie against the rights  and livelihood of the people, what if CGPI were to propose that there is a way that money can  be found? It could be gathered, for instance, by taking into the hands of the state all the  internal and external trade of India. The state could begin to accumulate capital on the basis  of buying and selling the commodities for distribution on the Indian and foreign markets. A  large amount of money could also be generated on an immediate basis by declaring a moratorium  on payments for debt servicing. Money collected in these ways could be directly used to  provide for the people so as to meet their claims on society.  India could provide a constitutional guarantee to the rights all people have by virtue of being  human, and provide for them on this basis and by taking other measures. Other measures could  include the ending of the militarisation of the economy. At the same time, the state could  begin expropriating all the main means of production from the hands of those who refuse to  comply with it, in terms of placing all internal and international trade under social control,  or in terms of the demand to stop the militarisation of the economy, and the moratorium on  debt service payments.  

Will the Indian government procure money by taking these measures so that it has no excuse not to take care of the well-being of the people and society? No, it will not, because the aim of the Indian government is to serve the big capitalists and big landlords who have placed them into the position of power in the first place. The people of India will have to do it themselves. They will have to progress from taking these measures to the building of an independent, self-reliant and socialist economy.  

The question of trade is directly linked with what is produced in the country. It is also  linked with the question of where production is consumed, or where it goes. This is of great  interest to the people of the country. It is of first-rate interest to the people to know who  sets the prices, and what logic is used, for both the products of labour and labour power  itself. It is the experience of the Indian people that at the time of every calamity such as  famine, there is no dearth of food but the prices are always too high, putting it out of the  reach of the people. Even today, stories abound of wheat and rice rotting in warehouse, as  masses of people languish in hunger or go to an early grave. There is no shortage of food in  India but people still starve to death in many parts of the country and millions live under the  poverty line.  

The aim of such demands is to channel the agitations of the people in the direction of reforms that will help disintegrate the capitalist status quo, far from strengthening it as is the result of social-democratic demands and actions. Such agitations and demands will help forge the political unity of all those forces which stand for deep-going transformations and help provide a vision of a viable society that is capable of fulfilling the claims of its members upon it.  

Besides its own activity to elaborate such demands, CGPI must lead the workers and toiling  masses, the intellectuals and professionals, women and youth to work out their own demands  themselves. CGPI must ensure that they put an end to the splitting of the working class and  people on the basis of social-democratic illusion-mongering about the capitalist system, and  the good and bad policies of this or that political party or leader. At the heart of this  endeavour is the work to establish the organisational forms that will enable the people to  engage in these discussions amongst their peers. This will also allow them to select candidates  from amongst themselves who will represent their demands and push them forward. Such  organisational forms must be developed with a view to becoming the nuclei of people's power,  through which the people will begin to exercise control over their lives.  

If CGPI were to call for the establishment of People's Empowerment Committees at the places of work, educational institutions and neighbourhoods at this time, people could begin to participate in the political affairs of the country. They would be able to establish their political unity right at the start instead of being split between this or that political party. Such committees will transform themselves into organs of people's power at a time when conditions warrant it. They will combine the legislative and executive functions, and subordinate those to the people at the respective levels where such committees are established.  

Comrades, as you can see, we have covered a lot of ground and have dealt with a lot of  questions of a broad character. The question that arises is this: Can we take action on all  of them? What should the over-all strategy of CGPI be? After making a thorough-going  assessment of the forces available to CGPI and the possibilities that exist for the future,  our strategy is to zero in on what is the most crucial thing at this time for the  building  of  CGPI. It is to deepen the work on all the points raised in this report, to bring forth the content based on actual study and investigation, especially in the course of waging the revolutionary class struggle.  

The analysis presented today and the conclusions drawn must be considered the first and not the last word. CGPI has to develop Indian theory and wage the sharpest possible ideological and polemical struggle in the course of this work. At the same time, the main blow has to be directed against the creation of any illusions about social-democracy, and against any form of class-collaboration, dogmatism, and sectarianism. In practical terms, the greatest emphasis has to be laid on deepening the work for the development of Indian theory and of waging the sharpest ideological and polemical struggle, with the cutting edge being the building of the organ of the Central Committee, People's Voice, and the mass organisations of workers, youth and women. At the same time, the CGPI has to work with all the progressive and democratic forces to carry on the work that has already been started for the democratic renewal of the society.  

Both the strategy and the practical plan of action have to be extremely focused. CGPI must pay the utmost attention to ensure that this entire work is carried out in a manner that will strengthen the Party on the basis of the entire theoretical, ideological and polemical work, the work of consolidating the Central Committee's organ and on the basis of consolidating the mass organisations. The entire work must be accomplished by directing the main blow against any illusion-mongering about social-democracy and its conciliators.  

Comrades, the world is facing the most serious, all-round crisis with retrogressive forces on the offensive within India and elsewhere. Within these conditions, it is incumbent upon CGPI that it must play its leading role in ensuring that the working class is ready to lead the society out of the crisis. Once again, Comrades, the conditions are pointing towards either revolution or war. Let there be only one choice, that is, revolution. Let the victory of revolution eliminate all possibilities of war, whether regional or an inter-imperialist world war.  

Let all the revolutionary communists, progressive and democratic forces, the working class, women and youth, all the exploited and oppressed, the toilers of the land, rise to the occasion, for the dawn of a bright red new morning is upon us. The light of the twentieth century, the path of the Great October Revolution, is not extinguished. Far from it, the lessons of October are as valid as before, if not more so at this time. We have yet to see how bright this light will burn as the working class and revolutionary forces mount the barricades of class struggle and turn things around. Let all the communist forces unit as one and turn words into deeds. Let the path for the progress of the society be opened. Let revolution advance! Victory belongs to us, to all who struggle and fight for the realisation of their noble aims!    

Inquilab Zindabad!  

 1 F. Engels, "Ludwig Fauerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy", Marx & Engels Selected Works, Progress Publishers, 1968, p. 588.  

2 Ibid., p. 588.  

3 V.I. Lenin, "Certain Features of the Historical Development of Marxism", Collected Works, Progress Publishers, Vol., p. 42.  

4 Marx & Engels, "Selected Correspondence", Foreign Languges Publishing House, Moscow,  follows the Russian Edition (Gospolitizdat, Moscow, 1953), Engels to C. Schmidt, October 27, 1890, p. 506.  

5 Ibid., Engels to K.Kautsky, September 20, 1884, p. 454.  

6 V.I. Lenin, "On the Question of Dialectics", Philosophical Notebooks, Colected Works, Progress Publishers, Vol. 38, p. 358.  

7 Ibid.