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WHITHER INDIA?

Draft Report presented by Lal Singh, General Secretary of the Communist Ghadar Party of India, on behalf of its Central Committee at the Third Consultative Conference of CGPI held in New Delhi on December 23-24, 1995. 


First Published in March 1996 
Published and distributed for 
The Communist Ghadar Party of India by 
Lok Awaz Publishers and Distributors 
8/251, DDA Flats, Kalkaji, New Delhi - 110 019 


(c) Lok Awaz Publishers 1996.
No Part of this Publication may be reproduced without prior written permission of the publisher.

 

Publisher's Note  

The report Whither India? was presented by Lal Singh, General Secretary of the Communist Ghadar Party of India, on behalf of its Central Committee, at the Third Consultative Conference of CGPI held in Delhi on December 23-24, 1995. By decision of the Third Consultative Conference, the report is now being release for discussion. 


Contents  

Introduction 

Part I:  
The CGPI and the Period of the Retreat of Revolution 

Part II:  
Taking the Struggle Against the Conciliators with Social-Democracy Right Through to the End 

Part III: 
CGPI and the Ideological and Polemical Struggle 

Part IV  
The Necessity for Indian Theory 
  
Part V  
The Restoration of the Unity of Indian Communists 

Part VI  
On Political Unity 

Part VII  
On Democratic Renewal and Taking the Anti-colonial Revolution Through to the End 

Part VIII  
The Stage of Revolution  

Part IX  
CGPI Strategy and Plan of Action 
 
 
 

Introduction

Comrades,  
  
We are on the threshold of the 15th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Ghadar Party of India (CGPI). We have come this far from the days of the Congress of the Hindustani Ghadar Party (Organisation of Indian Marxist-Leninists Abroad) in September 1977, to the founding of the Communist Ghadar Party of India on December 25, 1980, and now to this important Third Consultative Conference. A whole period of preparation to establish a single vanguard party of the working class and to develop the leading role of the working class over the entire society, has now come to an end, giving way to a new period.  

We recognised in 1977 that the entire communist movement was being fragmented under the pressure of the bipolar division of the world. Different varieties of modern revisionism were playing their counter-revolutionary disruptive role by adhering to parliamentary democracy, and uniting with the state to eliminate any challenge to the existing status quo. Capitalism was flourishing and utilizing the remnants of feudalism, colonial domination and increasing imperialist penetration against the people. This flourishing capitalism, in turn, was protecting these feudal remnants, colonial domination and imperialist penetration. It was this that was responsible for the worsening conditions of the masses. A variety of revisionism called such capitalist growth and expansion as the path of "non-capitalist development". This variety of revisionism openly conciliated with the Congress Party in India and with Soviet social-imperialism internationally. We made the decision, under those conditions, to establish a vanguard party of the Indian working class in which all the Indiana communists would militate; a party that would build the political unity of the working class and broad masses of the people and open a path for the progress of society; a party based on the theoretical thinking of Marxism-Leninism in opposition to revisionism and opportunism of all hues.  

All of us knew at that time that it would be extremely difficult to carry out the work decided upon, but we also knew that it was not an impossible task. We still maintain this to be the case today. In spite of all the twists and turns of the revolution, including its retreat at the present, we did not deviate from this from this plan of establishing a single vanguard party of the working class in whose ranks all the Indian communist would militate.  

Comrades, we have met with initial success in this work. We have our party, but the entire communist movement is still fragmented. The world has gone through a historical turn. We must continue with our plan and lay down the general line for this period. We must carry forward the program of the restoration of the unity of Indian communists. We must restore this unity in the course of building the revolutionary political unity of the working class and the broad masses of the people around single program of democratic renewal, to lift society out of the crisis. Furthermore, comrades, we must continue the work of providing a clear modern definition of the role of a political party which organises the working class to lead the maces to govern themselves. Our strategic aim remains the overthrow of capitalism and building of socialism through revolution.  

These are crucial times for the Communist Ghadar Party of India and for all India communists; they re times when everything is up for debate and discussion. The last six years and more have seen abrupt changes on the world-scale. The Communist Ghadar Party of India, working within these conditions, is engaged in elaborating a general line and program consistent with these changes according to dialectical philosophy and consistent with the program and conclusions of Marxism, Leninism and contemporary Marxist-Leninist thought.  

In elaborating the program and the thinking of CGPI. we must start from the present conditions, to sum up the entire developments-both objective and subjective-and draw the pertinent conclusions. A lot of developments have taken plaice especially in the broad field of socialist revolution and socialist construction. There is also the negative experience of the destruction of socialism and of counter-revolution. In spite of revolution being in ebb in this period, the nature of our era remains that of imperialism and proletarian revolution. There are also indications that things will soon turn around, from ebb to flow, even though retrogression is still the order of they day. The summation of all these developments enriches not only our thinking but also makes our dialectical philosophy consistent with the needs of the present. Such work is essential for the needs of the present. Such work is essential for the creation of the present. Such work is essential for the creation of revolutionary Indian theory without it is not possible to have a revolutionary movement.  

The use of the classics of Marxism-Leninism as a guide to all summations is as essential today as it was in the past. We are aware that Frederick Engels stressed that truth--the cognition of which, he said, was the main task of philosophy--should not be considered s "an aggregate of finished dogmatic statements, which, once discovered, had merely to be learnt by heart"(1)  

On the contrary, according to Engels, dialectical philosophy "reveals the transitory character of everything and in everything; nothing can endure before it except the uninterrupted process of becoming and of passing away, of endless ascendancy from the lower to the higher. And dialectical philosophy itself is nothing more than the mere reflection of this process in the thinking brain. It has, of course, also a conservative side; it recognises that definite stages of knowledge and society are justified for their times and circumstances; but only so far. The conservatism of this mode of outlook is relative; its revolutionary character is absolute-the only absolute dialectical philosophy admits"(2)  

Recognising these conclusions of Engels, it becomes all too clear that CGPI must continue to sum up the entire experience within this epoch of imperialism and proletarian revolution by starting from the present, as it continues to do at this time. CGPI must not succumb to the lure of the liquidationist who seeks perfect and final knowledge before anything revolutionary can be achieved. We must continue the summation in the course of organising the working class for the victory of revolution and socialism.  

Lenin has also drawn the same conclusions as Engels when he wrote: "It is precisely because Marxism is not a lifeless dogma, not a final, finished and ready-made immutable doctrine, but a living guide to action, that it was bound to reflect the astonishingly abrupt change in the conditions of social life"(3)  

No communist can deny that great and sudden changes have taken place in the world which have been reflected in the phenomenon of the rise of social forces which claim allegiance to Marxism but which have either degenerated into social democracy or are conciliating with it. The collapse of the regimes of eastern Europe and the Soviet Union has intensified the crisis of social-democracy. Along with the "free market economy", pseudo-socialism and social democracy remain discredited, creating favourable conditions for the communist to make a complete break with socio-democracy and occupy and expand the space of deep-going revolutionary transformations available to them. The demand of the day is that communists deal with the problems posed by the unfolding phenomena, one of which is the struggle against all conciliators with social-democracy. Communists must continue to defend and develop contemporary Marxist-Leninist through on the basis of the summation of historical experience of the entire each of imperialism and proletarian revolution by starting from the present. Contemporary Marxist-Leninist thought is the summation taken in general form, of the experience of the application of Marxism-Leninism to the conditions of socialist revolution and socialist construction and to the struggle against modern revisionism and capitalist restoration.  

It is also the summation of the application of Marxism-Leninism to the struggle of the people against fascism, militarism and imperialism, as well as the struggle to end medievalism. Contemporary Marxist-Leninist thought is Marxism-Leninism as enriched and developed by the practice of revolution. It is an affirmation of the fundamental principles of Marxism-Leninism and their higher development. Contemporary Marxist-Leninist thought is not the final form of Marxism-Leninism under the present conditions but its continuation and enrichment.  

Social developments have reached such a state that there is no alternative to creating history on a conscious and planned basis. CGPI must ensure that this is done by applying dialectical philosophy to the concrete conditions. The historical destiny of the working class is to end this period of pre-history, this history of fate, dogmas and things and phenomena without causes. It is the destiny of ushering in history--a conscious, material, human history--which is the very act of the revolutionary class in creating the new society.  

CGPI is honoured to be the main subjective force, the organised consciousness, the vanguard and the general staff of the working class in this glorious historic work. There is no doubt that the time has come for the working class to successfully usher in human history. CGPI needs to play its role as the organiser and the clarifier, the vanguard fighter of the working class, by basing its theoretical thinking on contemporary principles of Marxism-Leninism, the communist movement will be able to unite the working class and the broad masses of the people around the definite practical tasks of the present epoch, which are: an immediate end to the bourgeoisie's anti-worker, anti-people and anti-national program of privatisation and the lifting of society out of the crisis; the overthrow of capitalism as the condition for the completion of the democratic, anti-colonial, anti-feudal and anti-imperialist struggle; and the building of socialism by revolution.  
 
 

 
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